Attacks on social media targeting the Xinka people and their decision to oppose the reopening of the Escobal mine have been driven primarily by 11 Facebook profiles and pages, most of them anonymous. Their posts recycle similar insults and seek to undermine the legitimacy of Xinka leaders.

By María José Longo Bautista (Agencia Ocote)

In September 2018, Guatemala’s Constitutional Court ruled that the Ministry of Energy and Mines had granted operating licenses for the Escobal mine in violation of the Xinka people’s right to be consulted freely and in advance about the project, as required under Convention 169 of the International Labour Organization (ILO), an international treaty ratified by Guatemala that protects the rights of Indigenous peoples. The Xinka are one of Guatemala’s four major Indigenous peoples and are native to the country’s southeastern region.

At the time of the Court’s ruling, the Escobal mine—located about 74 kilometers (46 miles) from Guatemala City, in San Rafael Las Flores, Santa Rosa—was owned by Tahoe Resources. The mine had extracted silver as well as gold, lead, and zinc from 2013 until operations were suspended in 2017. In February 2019, Pan American Silver, a Canadian multinational and one of the world’s largest silver producers, completed its acquisition of the mine, according to the company‘s 2018 annual report to shareholders. The report also notes that the mine had previously been owned by Tahoe Resources.

In the same report, the Canadian mining company described Escobal as “one of the best silver mines in the world,” with proven and probable reserves of 264 million ounces of silver, and announced plans to restart operations. The company projected increasing production from the 20 million ounces of silver produced during the mine’s last year of operation (2016–2017) to its estimated potential of 50 million ounces annually.

To restore the mine’s operating license, Pan American stated that it would support the consultation process with Indigenous residents and “work to earn the support of local communities for the operation of the mine.”

The consultation process with the Xinka people lasted seven years, involving field visits, technical studies, and community deliberations. On May 8, 2025, the Xinka presented their conclusions to President Bernardo Arévalo. By majority vote, they rejected the mine.

The online attacks intensified after the consultation. Posts and comments on social media targeting the Xinka people included messages that could be considered defamatory or racist, as well as disinformation and even threats, apparently aimed at discrediting their leaders. These attacks, however, had begun as early as 2018, when mining operations were first suspended.

Between that year and April 2026, Agencia Ocote identified at least 201 Facebook posts, comments, and X posts containing this type of abusive content. This report forms part of Digital Poachers, a collaborative cross-border investigation led by the Latin American Center for Investigative Journalism (CLIP), together with six other media organizations and supported by the Global Initiative for Information Integrity on Climate Change. The project examines who may be behind attacks on land and environmental defenders in Guatemala, Mexico, Honduras, Colombia, Brazil, and Panama.

The investigation identified eight Facebook profiles that regularly spread hostile messages against the Xinka people: Flor de Jumaytepeque, Jesika Azucena Navichoque, Juan Crisóstomo González, Juanito Obervador Colis, Juan Ricardo Berganza, La Caja de Pandora, Marito Navichoque Juárez, and Memes Colis. It also identified three Facebook pages that publish similar attacks: MEMES Jumaytepeque, Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque, and Hechos Santa Rosa 

In addition to posting content that criminalizes, stigmatizes, or spreads misleading information about the Xinka people, these eight profiles and three Facebook pages also share local news. In some cases, they have posted identical photographs or repeated the same narratives word for word.

Three of the accounts reference Jumaytepeque in their names. Jumaytepeque is a community in the municipality of Nueva Santa Rosa, about 30 kilometers (19 miles) from the Escobal mine and within the project’s area of influence.

While these accounts primarily focus on events in that locality, they also cover neighboring communities, including several that have played an active role in resisting mining activities.

The Hate Narrative

Of the 11 profiles and pages identified, 10 provide no way to identify their administrators. They do not list contact information such as phone numbers or email addresses, making it difficult to determine who is behind the accounts. Their profile and cover photos typically feature illustrations, artwork, landscapes, churches, parks, buildings, tourist signs, roads, or objects such as wheelchairs, clay water jars, or coats of arms.

Some also use photographs originally published by news organizations. For example, in 2024, Flor de Jumaytepeque used as its profile picture an image from Prensa Libre accompanying a news story about water shortages.

Although the name of the Xinka people is correctly spelled with a “k,” the profile Flor de Jumaytepeque, along with the other profiles and pages, consistently writes it with a “c.” Across these accounts, the messaging follows recurring patterns: they refer to the Xinka as “so-called,” “fake,” or “those who claim to be” Xinka, and even question whether the Indigenous people exist at all: “Are there really any Xincas?”

“These are not innocent questions. They are acts of ontological denial,” anthropologist Irma Alicia Velásquez Nimatuj told Agencia Ocote. “They deny a people’s right to exist—with its own identity, history, territory, and collective and individual rights guaranteed under both international and national legal frameworks.”

The posts also ridicule the Xinka people’s organizational structures and leaders, accusing them of doing “nothing real” for their communities, questioning their authenticity, and calling them “wolves in disguise” or “acarreados“—a term used to suggest they are people who have been bused in or mobilized by others rather than acting independently.

“There is a pattern of progressive dehumanization directed against Indigenous people,” Velásquez Nimatuj said. “At no point do these posts acknowledge the Xinka people’s history, collective memory, or the challenges they face. They speak about them, but never with them or from their perspective.”

The posts also frequently criticize the Xinka people’s opposition to the mining project.

One example comes from a June 8, 2025 post by the Flor de Jumaytepeque account: “Xinca people of San Francisco de Jumaytepeque, my hometown—that’s what the sign put up by some Xincas protesting the mine says. Ironically, right below it there’s a garbage dump polluting the air, the water, and the people passing by. There used to be a boundary marker for the Jumay area down there, and they don’t even notice it. [sic]”

Xinka authorities have publicly addressed the issue of illegal dumping sites and have also taken legal action regarding the problem.

“The Xinka communities are trying to establish a precedent that ensures their right to decide what happens in their own territory is respected,” Guadalupe García, director of the Observatory of Extractive Industries (OIE), said in an interview for this investigation.

Similar patterns appear in comments responding to posts published by the Xinka Parliament’s official account. While some comments do not contain overt hate speech, they seek to spread misleading information. For example, they attempt to minimize mining’s responsibility for arsenic contamination of water, despite studies showing that arsenic pollution is one of the consequences associated with mining operations.

One such comment, posted by the account @SofiaMV on May 8, 2025, read: “Show us the test results instead of talking nonsense. There’s arsenic upstream, and water doesn’t flow uphill. Obviously there are going to be metals—it’s a mineral-rich area. You don’t need a mine for that; it’s naturally occurring. [sic]”

Not all comments supporting the mine contain hostile language. Some simply express support for the project while questioning the opposition. Among these are posts by the Facebook user Jennifer MoRales (Yeya), who identifies herself as an employee of Pan American Silver Guatemala.

The Xinka people oppose mining in their territory out of a commitment to protecting the environment, particularly water resources. They seek to prevent reductions in water flow and contamination from arsenic and other minerals.

“Some people say the mine brings development, but those of us who live in rural areas can see that it doesn’t, because it harms our natural resources—above all, through the loss of so much water,” said Ayda Cortéz Carrillo, secretary of the Youth Commission of the Xinka Parliament.

Patricia Gregorio, a Xinka Indigenous authority from Nueva Santa Rosa, expressed a similar commitment: “I love life. I defend this territory because I defend the forests, the water, and the springs that exist here. Many of them are already losing their aquifers.”

Marisol Guerra, president of the Women’s Commission of the Xinka Parliament, added that the struggle extends beyond mining. Throughout Xinka territory—which encompasses the departments of Santa Rosa, Jutiapa, and Jalapa—communities have also organized to protect forests and oppose deforestation.

The Pioneer of the Attacks

The Xinka resistance to the Escobal mine has faced police persecution, violent attacks, and killings since 2013. The evidence is displayed on a welcome banner at the entrance to the modest headquarters of the resistance: photographs from April 27, 2013, showing two men with bloodied faces, demonstrators, and police officers confronting them. The headquarters consists of two simple structures made of wood and corrugated metal that serve as both a chapel and a shelter for volunteers who take shifts blocking the passage of fuel needed to generate electricity for the mine’s operations.

According to Guatemala’s Public Prosecutor’s Office, at least seven people were injured that day in April 2013. Private security personnel opened fire on demonstrators under the orders of Alberto Rotondo, the mine’s head of security.

The violence did not end there. One year later, Merilyn Topacio Reynoso, a 16-year-old coordinator of a local youth movement opposed to mining, was murdered.

It was not until 2018, however, when the Constitutional Court upheld the suspension of operations at the Escobal mine, that the first online messages targeting Xinka representatives appeared. They were published by the Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque Facebook page, which remained active until its final post in April 2020 without explaining why it had ceased posting. As of April 2026, the page still had approximately 1,200 followers.

Based solely on the content published by the page, Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque presents itself as representing the community organization of the same name, headquartered in the village of Jumaytepeque and led by Domingo Fabián Sánchez.

Within the village of Jumaytepeque, community leadership is divided. On one side is the Council of Elders of the Xinka People of San Francisco Jumaytepeque, which retains the ancestral name to reaffirm its identity and legitimacy as an Indigenous organization and is recognized by the majority of the community. On the other is a group that, according to community sources, declared itself the local authority while retaining the name Comunidad Agrícola.

The posts published by Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque were directed primarily against Amílvar Urías, then president of the Council of Elders of Jumaytepeque and, since 2023, also president of the Xinka Parliament, making him one of the most prominent leaders opposing the Escobal mining project.

The Xinka Parliament is an organization dedicated to preserving cooperation among Xinka communities. It legally represents the Xinka people in consultation processes and dialogue with the state, while also working to preserve and research the Xinka language and culture.

Another figure targeted by the page was Quelvin Jiménez Villalta, attorney for the Xinka people and, since March 20, 2026, a magistrate of Guatemala’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE). The harassment directed at Jiménez extended beyond the digital sphere. According to complaints filed on his behalf, he was threatened, followed, and placed under physical surveillance to such an extent that, in July 2019, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted him precautionary measures.

Agencia Ocote asked Jiménez to discuss the attacks he experienced, but he declined, saying that doing so could create a conflict of interest with his current role as an electoral magistrate.

According to community testimony collected in the study The Xinka People and Their Perceptions of the Cultural and Spiritual Impact of the Escobal Mining Project, the Comunidad Agrícola group has generally supported the mining company’s presence in the region. Nevertheless, during that same turbulent year of 2018, the Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque Facebook page shared a video in which members of the community denied having any connection to the mining company.

Two years later, however, anthropologist Claudia Dary, who conducted research on Xinka perceptions of the Escobal project, reported that residents she interviewed said the Comunidad Agrícola Jumaitepeque had “accepted gifts or support from the mining project.” That testimony was documented in Dary’s study.

While it remained active, the page also used Facebook to organize an event that was followed by physical attacks. It published calls for protests and assemblies aimed at removing the leadership of the Council of Elders, then headed by Urías.

On June 21, 2019, the page posted an invitation to attend an assembly: “Be present in the central square to decide whether you want Mr. Amilbar to remain Jumaytepeque’s representative.” The Xinka Parliament was also invited.

When Parliament representatives arrived at the meeting, they were met by a violent group of people, some carrying machetes and firearms. According to complaints filed at the time, they threatened to burn the representatives alive, along with the Parliament’s then-attorney, Quelvin Jiménez. The incident was publicly denounced in a formal statement and reported to the Public Prosecutor’s Office.

These were not the only physical attacks directed at Xinka leaders. In 2021, Luis Fernando García Monroy, a member of the Xinka Parliament, received a death threat. Eduardo Donias was similarly threatened in 2023. In April of that same year, armed men attacked the home of Xinka leader Patricia Gregorio, who reported the incident to the Public Prosecutor’s Office. Then, in October 2023, Noé Gómez Barrera, another leader of the Xinka people, was murdered.

Humor with Insult

Beginning in 2021, two accounts became especially active in spreading attacks against the Xinka people: the local Facebook pages MEMES Jumaytepeque and Flor de Jumaytepeque.

They employ nearly identical narratives and a strikingly similar writing style. The Flor de Jumaytepeque profile has repeatedly reposted content from MEMES Jumaytepeque both on its own page and in Facebook groups. It has also encouraged its followers to subscribe to the MEMES page. The two accounts routinely repost one another’s content and recycle the same defamatory messages.

Flor de Jumaytepeque was created on December 10, 2013, although its first post did not appear until September 2019. Since then, it has maintained a steady posting schedule and amassed approximately 12,000 followers. The identity of its administrator remains unknown. The profile describes itself as “a humble place for jokes and news of interest.” It shares local news, memes, humorous content, and updates from surrounding communities. Although it claims to have no political affiliation and says it seeks to promote unity among local residents, it consistently publishes content targeting the Xinka people and their president, Amílvar Urías.

Agencia Ocote documented 81 posts in which Flor de Jumaytepeque attacks the Xinka people. The account regularly refers to them as: “the quarrelsome Xinkas”, “the Xinkas who divide the town”, “fake Xinkas,” and “the so-called Xinkas who keep picking fights with the mine.” 

The page blames the Xinka people for Jumaytepeque’s water shortages, the accumulation of garbage, the lack of space in the local cemetery, and for failing to contribute to the community’s well-being. It also accuses them of spending years fighting the mining company.

One post published by Flor de Jumaytepeque on February 11, 2023, stated: “Today we bring you the smoke from Nueva’s garbage dump. Day and night, every bus coming from Jumay, from Los Izotes, from El Limar, every car passes through here. That’s why people say Jumay is the filthiest, dirtiest town in Nueva—and it has no water […] Where are the so-called Xinkas who spend so much time picking fights with the mine? [sic]”

Flor de Jumaytepeque does more than produce its own attacks; it also amplifies messages published by others. In 2024, the profile reposted a 2019 message by Domingo Fabián Sánchez attacking the Council of Elders and Amílvar Urías, whom he referred to simply as “Milvar.” In 2023, it again targeted Urías and the Council of Elders, accusing them of “starting trouble” with the Comunidad Agrícola and of having “Uncle Mingo sent to jail.” Domingo Fabián Sánchez was reported to authorities by former Xinka attorney Quelvin Jiménez for the alleged falsification of documents.

Other Fronts

The other page, MEMES Jumaytepeque, was created on June 8, 2020, but has not published any new posts since December 2024. It has approximately 7,000 followers and has also posted content denying the existence of the Xinka people and criticizing their leaders.

On April 23, 2025, the page Hechos Santa Rosa published false information targeting the Indigenous K’iche’ organization 48 Cantones and the “so-called Xinkas.” The post alleged that they had received US$864,000 from USAID to organize roadblocks during Guatemala’s 2023 National Strike in defense of the country’s democracy.

According to a study by the organization Global Witness, the 48 Cantones organization did receive USAID funding through an intermediary NGO called CEIDEPAZ. However, the grants totaled US$99,568.64 between 2021 and 2023 and were intended to “strengthen its capacity to resolve conflicts peacefully, improve social cohesion, contribute to good local governance, and promote peace within its territories.”

That amount is more than eight times smaller than the figure cited by Hechos Santa Rosa, and the funding was awarded for purposes unrelated to the 2023 National Strike. Furthermore, the Xinka people were not listed as beneficiaries of those funds.

Anthropologist Irma Alicia Velásquez Nimatuj notes that during Guatemala’s civil war Indigenous peoples were labeled “communists,” whereas today they are accused of being “agents of imperialism.”

“At its core, the mechanism is the same: to delegitimize the political agency of Indigenous peoples and their organizations by denying their capacity for autonomous self-organization and reducing them to puppets of foreign powers,” Velásquez Nimatuj said.

Hechos Santa Rosa was created in June 2019 and, as of April 2026, had approximately 42,000 followers. In November 2025, the page shared a favorable post about Pan American Silver, thanking the company for supporting festivities in San Rafael Las Flores, the municipality where the mining project is located.

The Facebook contact information for Hechos Santa Rosa included a telephone number. Records available through the caller identification application Truecaller indicated that the number had, at one time, been associated with a person named Marinllo Catalán.

When Agencia Ocote called the number, Marinllo Catalán answered and confirmed that it was the contact number for the Hechos Santa Rosa page. He said he serves as one of its editors but that other people also administer the page. Facebook lists seven administrators. Shortly after the call, the page removed its contact number.

Catalán said he possessed documents supporting Hechos Santa Rosa’s allegations against the Xinka people and promised to send them by email. The reporters provided him with an email address by text message, but, as of publication, he had not submitted any supporting evidence.

In the post attacking the Xinka people, Hechos Santa Rosa spelled Xinka with a “c,” as the other profiles and pages examined in this investigation typically do. Yet in other posts the page uses the correct spelling, Xinka. Catalán said he had no explanation for the inconsistency.

Asked about the Xinka people, Catalán said he is originally from Jumaytepeque and maintained that the Xinka do not exist. When questioned about the other pages and profiles that promote similar narratives, he said he was unfamiliar with them.

“I have no connection to them. We’re a legitimate media outlet. We don’t make memes or attack people through fake accounts or anonymous profiles. If you look at my profile, I’m very open and honest about who I am and what I believe,” Catalán said.

Catalán also questioned why Hechos Santa Rosa’s post had been identified among hundreds of similar posts. However, entering the Google search command site:facebook.com “supuestos xincas”—a phrase central to the narratives documented in this investigation—returns Hechos Santa Rosa’s post among the search results.

Regarding the Pan American Silver Guatemala video shared by Hechos Santa Rosa, Catalán said he did not know why it had been published.

He explained that he also manages the Facebook page for Canal 15, which he described as his own media outlet. In Guatemala’s public procurement system, Guatecompras, Catalán is registered under the trade name Servicios Publicitarios Canal 15 (“Canal 15 Advertising Services”).

Between 2019 and 2026, Catalán’s business was awarded public contracts totaling US$60,000 (originally Q460,407.03) for advertising, transportation, fair coverage, promotional campaigns, and publicity services for municipalities including Santa Cruz Naranjo, Nueva Santa Rosa, Santa Rosa de Lima, and Casillas. His largest contract, worth approximately US$40,000 (originally Q308,807.03), was awarded in 2019 to provide advertising services for Guatemala’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) on behalf of political organizations.

In September 2018, in what the investigation describes as a verifiable coincidence, the Comunidad Agrícola Jumaytepeque page mentioned Marinllo Catalán in one of its posts. Earlier still, in November 2017—before the social media attacks against the Xinka people began—the page shared an image promoting an equestrian event organized by “Marinllo” and the Comunidad Agrícola, despite Catalán’s assertion that he is unfamiliar with the page.

The Template

These kinds of attacks against the Xinka people are not unique to Guatemala. Digital harassment has become a persistent feature of the experience of other environmental defenders as well.

According to the annual report Communities That Resist: Criminalization, Stigmatization, and Murder by the Unit for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders in Guatemala (UDEFEGUA), 96% of the attacks against human rights defenders documented in 2025 occurred in the digital sphere.

In an interview with Agencia Ocote, Brenda Guillén, UDEFEGUA’s general coordinator, highlighted the role of local Facebook pages in these online attacks. She explained that many communities have shifted away from obtaining information through traditional media such as radio, television, and newspapers, instead relying primarily on local social media pages.

Describing the pattern, Guillén said these accounts first publish legitimate local news in order to attract followers and build credibility. Once they have gained the community’s trust, they begin posting content targeting individual defenders or entire communities.

“They do it by mixing truthful information with stigmatizing or defamatory narratives. Symbolically, that creates doubt in people’s minds within the community,” Guillén explained.

Local Accounts Multiply

The Facebook accounts attacking the Xinka people and their leaders are not confined to Jumaytepeque.

In Mataquescuintla, another Xinka territory that also opposes the Escobal mine, similar posts circulate attacking the peaceful resistance movement and leaders such as Julio David González Arango, who survived an armed attack on January 16, 2021, and now lives in exile.

The profiles Jesika Azucena Navichoque, Juanito Observador Colis, La Caja de Pandora, Memes Colis, Juan Crisostomo Gonzalez, and Juan Ricardo Berganza not only frequently quote and repost one another, but also share distinctive linguistic patterns. For example, they all refer to González Arango as “Julio Gallo.”

Among these accounts, Jesika Azucena Navichoque has published the largest number of posts attacking the peaceful resistance movement and González Arango. Its content targeting him increased after the armed attack, including memes ridiculing him or suggesting he was romantically involved with the mayor. The account also published posts minimizing the seriousness of the attempt on his life.

One post published by the Jesika Azucena Navichoque profile on September 28, 2022, read:

“Who remembers that JULIO GALLO accidentally shot himself with his own gun—even though he’s supposedly with human rights? Why is he ARMED? [sic]”

The attacks disseminated by these accounts against the peaceful resistance movement consistently accuse participants—without presenting evidence—of extorting the mining company or claiming that they have received money, supposedly explaining why they own vehicles.

These profiles leave very little trace of their true identities. Juanito Observador Colis lists his hometown as South Los Angeles, California; Juan Ricardo Berganza says he is located in Cusco, Peru; the remaining profiles list Mataquescuintla as their location. Among the group, Memes Colis has the largest following, with approximately 5,000 followers, while Juan Ricardo Berganza and La Caja de Pandora each have around 1,100 Facebook friends. All of the accounts conceal their email addresses, telephone numbers, and the identities of the individuals who operate them.

The Impact

Although the Facebook pages identified by Agencia Ocote that attack the Xinka people are based in and associated with Jumaytepeque, their posts often spread far beyond that community through other Facebook pages and via WhatsApp.

As a result, the messages reach neighboring communities that are also involved in defending the Xinka people’s territory and environment. This undermines Indigenous leadership by sowing doubt about the work of community leaders, both men and women.

Ayda Cortéz Carrillo, secretary of the Youth Commission of the Xinka Parliament, is the face of the Parliament’s environmental awareness videos, which she produces with other young people. For her, racist attacks and hostile comments on social media have become a familiar experience.

Cortéz admits that she fears the attacks could one day escalate from the digital sphere to physical violence.

“I’m very afraid when I’m alone. But then I remind myself that if you’re fighting for something, there’s no reason to be afraid. It’s beautiful to know you’re fighting for something that isn’t just for yourself—it’s for everyone. If we stay united, the attacks don’t matter,” she says, reassuring herself.

Marisol Guerra, president of the Women’s Commission of the Xinka Parliament, says:

“We constantly have to clarify and debunk what’s being said on social media—everything we can do to keep the disinformation from spreading any further.”

As a response to both physical and digital attacks, the Xinka Parliament established a security commission a few months ago. Its role is to document online harassment, including abusive comments and social media posts.

Whenever someone in the community discovers one of these attacks, they report it to their local leader, who then passes the information on to the commission. Before creating the commission, members received basic digital security training because, they say, many participants had limited familiarity with social media platforms.

“I’m not an expert, and I don’t have much technology, but we’re not fools either,” says Patricia Gregorio, an Indigenous authority from Nueva Santa Rosa and a member of the Xinka Parliament’s governing board. “We live in rural areas, but we know enough to recognize when we’re being harassed online. It hurts to see that kind of retaliation. I feel these attacks come from a place of anger—of resentment and hostility—and that hurts.”

Gregorio, Guerra, and Cortéz all told Agencia Ocote that what troubles them most is seeing the very existence of the Xinka people called into question and their identity deliberately undermined.

Just as physical attacks have driven some people away from the movement opposing the mine and discouraged participation in the Xinka Parliament, online attacks also create fear and cause some community members to withdraw.

According to Luis Fernando García, commissioner of the Presidential Commission Against Discrimination and Racism Against Indigenous Peoples in Guatemala (CODISRA), there is currently little the agency can do in response to racism on social media.

García Monroy explained that Government Agreement 189-2024 had expanded CODISRA’s mandate to include monitoring media outlets in order to report cases of discrimination and racism against Indigenous peoples. However, that authority was suspended after a constitutional injunction (amparo) was granted in a legal challenge brought by the Guatemalan Journalists Association (case no. 8012-2024).

García is personally familiar with the violence experienced by the Xinka people. According to Amnesty International, he is an Indigenous leader who survived the armed attack during the 2013 protest and later received death threats in 2021. He is also aware of the online harassment directed at the Xinka people and other Indigenous leaders.

“In response to this situation, CODISRA is preparing its semiannual report. One of its key recommendations will be to present to the Presidency a comprehensive account of the attacks Indigenous peoples are experiencing across different social media platforms, as well as the various forms of discrimination and racism they continue to face,” García said in an interview with Agencia Ocote.

By 2024, more than 250 members of Xinka communities had been criminalized, and 18 had been killed. Digital violence has become an additional layer of abuse on top of that longstanding physical violence.